The Stuff guide to Election 2015
We read the manifestos so you don’t have to, finding out what the parties have in store for technology, web censorship, cars and your telly
Given that newspapers, TV and the web won’t shut up about it, you’re probably well aware there’s a UK General Election tomorrow. Most coverage has (rightly) concentrated on big issues such as the NHS, employment, taxation, and whether Ed Miliband really did complete all 20 levels of Manic Miner in 1983. (If so: kudos. We barely made it to Skylab Landing Bay.)
At Stuff, we’re all about gadgets and technology, though — to which a politician’s traditional response regarding any tough question is “argle wargle bargle fargle” before attempting to conjure up a magic hammer to smash all of the new and scary things.
On that basis, we read from cover to cover the manifestos of the seven main parties with candidates standing in the UK, to see what’s in store for tech if they cling on to the voting salmon and thereby find themselves catapulted directly into the House of Commons.
1. Broadband and mobile
In what will doubtless come as a huge shock, every party’s promising access to super-fast universal broadband for all! Ish.
The Conservatives want to “ensure everyone is part of the digital economy” (p14), especially when on trains (p15), in rural locations (p21) or in libraries, on free connections (p42). They advocate “better mobile phone connections” (p14) — except if you’re in prison (p59), where they instead demand “greater use of mobile phone blocking technology”.
The Greens reckon every public telecommunications operator should be obligated to “provide affordable high-speed broadband-capable infrastructure to every household and small business,” in part to reduce travel by encouraging video-conferencing, even if 10% of the working day will then involve swearing at Skype. Plaid Cymru thinks similarly, wanting improved connections so “people can do business from home” (p49).
The Liberal Democrats agree, at least to the tune of 99.9% (p36). (Presumably, the remaining 0.1 per cent will have dial-up and like it.) They add ISPs should organise a switch for you (p50), if you find a superior deal. Meanwhile, the SNP wants better connectivity across Scotland, with affordable access for disadvantaged communities, and echoes the Greens in demanding a “Universal Service Obligation” for providers, so everyone can “access the communications they need” (p10).
Labour wants the entire UK to benefit from high-speed broadband by 2020, and to “reduce ‘not spots'”, veering dangerously close to a one-time Michael Barrymore catchphrase; the party will also “support community-based campaigns to reduce the proportion of citizens unable to use the internet and help those who need it to get the skills to make the most of digital technology” (p20).
2. Data and surveillance
Parties recognise that juggling data and privacy is tough, but there’s no broad agreement about how to do so. The Conservatives will retain the ability of the police and security services to access metadata but not its content (p63), ignoring the fact the former can be revealing. The party argues its data legislation will “strengthen our ability to disrupt terrorist plots, criminal networks and organised child grooming gangs,” but adds it will “strengthen oversight of the use of these powers”.
Labour largely glosses over the topic, merely saying we must “update our investigative laws to keep up with changing technology, strengthening both the powers available, and the safeguards that protect people’s privacy” (p54). Elsewhere, the manifesto supports open data by default for government services (p62), and the idea of making transactions and services more efficient and simpler to use.
UKIP talks of investing in new technology, “such as communications equipment and personal CCTV,” to combat crime, but warns police forces should “not retain booking photographs, fingerprints, DNA, or biometric data of individuals who have not been convicted” (p54). The Greens are entirely against “disproportionate or unaccountable surveillance or censorship” (p61), and oppose “any case for secret unaccountable mass surveillance of the type exposed by Edward Snowden”.
The party is not unrealistic, accepting that “government law enforcement agencies may occasionally need to intercept communications in specific circumstances,” but is firm that such surveillance should be “necessary, effective and within the rule of law, with independent judicial approval and genuine parliamentary oversight”. The Greens champion internet freedom, support EU proposals to strengthen data protection laws against opposition from large US data-driven companies, and oppose the sale of personal data and the privatisation of data held by the government.
The SNP broadly aligns with the Greens, coming out against the ‘Snoopers’ Charter’ and demanding a proportionate response to extremism (p21), while the Liberal Democrats want nothing less than a “complete overhaul of surveillance powers in 2016,” stating privacy should “be the norm for personal data” (p113). The party would protect privacy, internet freedoms and net neutrality via a Digital Bill of Rights, and is steadfastly against data retention and blanket surveillance (p113).
3. Web censorship
We were keen to find out which parties are up for an open web at the point of access, and which would run around screaming “WON’T SOMEBODY THINK OF THE CHILDREN?” until their lungs burst.
The Conservatives desire a combination of the unworkable and the unpalatable. The party wants “age verification for access to all sites containing pornographic material and age-rating for all music videos” (p35), ISPs to “block sites that carry large amounts of illegal content (p42), including their proxies”, and search engines to block the worst offenders. With its dander up, the manifesto adds the Conservatives will “build on progress made under our voluntary anti-piracy projects to warn internet users when they are breaching copyright” (p42).
In policy that appears incompatible with that of its coalition partners, the Liberal Democrats talk about continuing to “support free media and a free and open Internet around the world, championing the free flow of information” (p153). The manifesto singles out protecting free speech, by “ensuring insulting words, jokes, and non-intentional acts, are not treated as criminal, and that social media communications are not treated more harshly than other media” (p114). This would all be enshrined in a ‘Digital Bill of Rights’.
The Greens broadly match the Liberal Democrats, calling for a “more satisfactory law on so-called malicious comments made on social media than the blanket and crude section 127 of the Communications Act 2003” (p61), and a “world of open, freely flowing information”. The party would “[limit] the censoring or takedown of content or activity to exceptional circumstances, clearly set out within a comprehensive legal framework”. However, such openness doesn’t extend to print, where the party wants to “stop lads mags and other pornography from being sold in supermarkets and newsagents” (p27), which will set censorship klaxons blazing.
4. Tech industry
Every party understands the importance of sciences and technology, but the Liberal Democrat manifesto is especially technically literate. It talks of doubling innovation spend to make the UK “a world leader in advanced manufacturing, clean technology and digital industries” (p25), encouraging growth in creative industries (including gaming), and supporting modern and flexible patent licensing rules (p37).
Recognising a need to grow the country’s skill base in “technologies and industries that are important to our economic future,” the party will aim to double the number of businesses that hire apprentices, “including by extending them to new sectors of the economy, like creative and digital industries” (p63).
The Conservatives are keen for tax relief on films to continue (p42), and will “direct further resources towards the Eight Great Technologies — among them robotics and nanotechnology — where Britain is set to be a global leader” (p21). The Green manifesto is more cautious, pledging to “support the development of technologies that have strong social, economic and environmental benefits”, but warning that “just because science allows us to do something, that does not mean that we should do it” (p18).
The SNP singles out a creative fund for gaming to encourage the formation of new studios (p10), while Plaid Cymru talks about developing a new strategy to “create skilled and high-value jobs through research, development and manufacturing” (p9). Labour speaks in similarly loose but positive terms, and will “introduce a new long-term funding policy framework for science and innovation” (p20).
Two parties focus on women in technology, with Plaid Cymru aiming to “promote women’s access to careers in science, technology, engineering, mathematics and other careers where women are under-represented, providing mentors and support networks” (p58), while the Greens will require 40% of “all members of public company and public sector boards to be women” (p27).
Also looking to the future, the Liberal Democrats want to get more young and unemployed trained in digital skills (p37), while UKIP calls for an “update of science learning at secondary school” (p29) and for Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics (STEM) students to be exempted from tuition fee repayments (p31).
Finally, when it comes to buying kit, the Liberal Democrats want regulation to “promote design that enhances repairability, reuse and recycling, requiring specified products to be sold with parts and labour guarantees for at least five years” (p90), which’d be nice if it included certain gadgets that fall apart a bit too easily. Mind you, you’d best hope they have wind-up mechanisms soon if the Greens get their way, since the party would “seek to cut energy demand by one-third by 2020, one-half by 2030 and two-thirds by 2050” (p21).
5. Telly and media
When it comes to the BBC, The Conservatives will keep the licence fee frozen (p42) — yet nonetheless argue the World Service is “vital” (p75) — while UKIP want not paying the fee to be decriminalised (p55).
The SNP and Plaid Cymru, respectively, want a fairer share for Scotland (p10) and devolved broadcasting for Wales (p63); this could boost local creative sectors and better cater to local audiences.
Labour‘s keen to avoid “too much power in the hands of too few” (p68), wants the BBC protected but to remain good value, and will keep Channel 4 in public ownership, so it “continues to produce vital public content” (and also, presumably, episodes of Countdown until the heat death of the universe). The Greens are more specific, stating no individual or company should own more than 20% of a media market (p61); the party believes the BBC should be maintained, “free of government interference”, and with “funding guaranteed in real terms in statute”. Elsewhere, the Greens want a crackdown on advertising directed at children (p62).
The Liberal Democrats similarly want to restrict adverts targeting kids — specifically junk food (p76) — and push hard for media freedom by matching Labour’s pledges (p37), removing ministers “from any role in appointments to the BBC Trust or the Board of Ofcom” (p110). The party would usher in a British ‘First Amendment’ law to require “authorities and the courts to have regard for importance of a free media in a democratic society”.
The manifesto gets oddly excited about so-called hyperlocal media (p139), too, so if Nick Clegg somehow manages to become PM, expect a new BBC channel for your back garden, to keep you informed about what’s going on hyperlocally. (Mostly hedgehogs noodling about, we suspect.)
6. Cars
Unsurprisingly, the Greens want to reduce our dependency on cars (p63), primarily by re-nationalising trains, bringing down public transport costs, and prizing “access over mobility”, encouraging alternatives to travel. Students will get free public transport, to foster a rather healthier lifelong behaviour than those usually picked up at university.
UKIP takes an opposing stance, with one of its manifesto’s regular dips into nostalgia: “To help protect the enduring legacy of the motor industry and our classic and historic vehicles, UKIP will exempt vehicles over 25 years old from Vehicle Excise Duty” (p37). So there’s some money saved on that 1990 Ford Escort you’ve somehow managed to coax through yet another MOT.
The 2010 coalition partners also talk cars, battling each other for the future. The Conservatives want “almost every car and van to be a zero emission vehicle by 2050,” (p15) and will lob £500 million at the problem to achieve this. The Liberal Democrats go one decade better: “We will set a target of 2040 for the date after which only Ultra-Low Emission vehicles will be permitted on UK roads for non-freight purposes” (p87). The manifesto is also big on a UK-wide hydrogen fuelling infrastructure and an “intercity cycleway along the HS2 route,” which we assume means ‘adjacent to’; if not, those cyclists had better pedal for their lives.
7. The manifestos
If you fancy reading the manifestos yourself (we can’t promise it’s always an enjoyable experience, but it is consistently eye-opening), here are some handy PDF links:
But most importantly of all, whoever you vote for don’t forget to vote.
Craig Grannell
Contributor 
